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employment conditions.
23
Justice Sotomayor’s decision placed the players
and owners in the same position they were in before the strike began. With
their leverage lost, the owners dropped their ambitious bargaining goals
and the strike ended four days later.
24
Although fans expressed contempt for both the owners and players,
commentators generally regarded the MLBPA as the strike’s victor.
25
It
dodged most of MLB’s demands, and though it agreed to a “luxury tax”
(which taxed the teams with the highest payrolls and redistributed those
funds to small market teams), the tax would have little effect on players’
earning power.
26
Player salaries, in fact, would increase 8.5% and 14.2%,
respectively, in the following two seasons.
27
The tax also failed to achieve
its progressive purpose, as teams with relatively high payrolls—most
notably the Red Sox, Yankees, and Dodgers—continued to lavishly pay
players, while those teams with the smallest payrolls remained unlikely
suitors for stars.
28
Interestingly, Sotomayor was portrayed as most victorious. She
received considerable praise from sports fans and journalists for having
restored the national pastime, with a Philadelphia Inquirer columnist going
so far as to place her contributions on par with those of Jackie Robinson,
Joe DiMaggio, Ted Williams, and other Hall of Fame players.
29
Yet in the aftermath of Justice Sotomayor’s decision, the underlying
policy implications of a “more level playing field” for MLB franchises
would not see their day in court or on the field. Indeed, without
significantly changed labor conditions, player salaries and team payroll
23
See Silverman, 880 F. Supp. at 259 (“[T]his strike is about more than just whether the Players
and Owners will resolve their differences. It is also about how the principles embodied by federal labor
law operate.”); Chalpin, supra note 19, at 233 (describing MLB’s actions as “clearly inconsistent with
federal labor laws”); Stephen F. Ross, The Misunderstood Alliance Between Sports Fans, Players, and
the Antitrust Laws, 1997 U.
ILL. L. REV. 519, 524–25 n.18 (citing Silverman as the paradigmatic case
of labor law used to regulate unilateral action by owners).
24
See Murray Chass, Baseball Owners Quit Fight, N.Y. TIMES, Apr. 3, 1995, at A1.
25
See, e.g., Jeffrey Simpson, The Baseball Owners Won Nothing, GLOBE & MAIL (Can.), Apr. 5,
1995 (opining that the owners were defeated “on all fronts”).
26
See Dan Messeloff, The NBA’s Deal with the Devil: The Antitrust Implications of the 1999
NBA-NBPA Collective Bargaining Agreement, 10 F
ORDHAM INTELL. PROP. MEDIA & ENT. L.J. 521,
562–63 (2000) (discussing criticisms of the luxury tax); Thomas A. Piraino, Jr., A Proposal for the
Antitrust Regulation of Professional Sports, 79 B.U.
L. REV. 889, 937–38 n.296 (1999) (explaining the
mechanics and significant limitations of the luxury tax); Bob Nightengale, Peace at Last, L.A.
TIMES,
Nov. 27, 1996, at C1 (providing details on the 1996 MLB-MLBPA collective bargaining agreement
and the luxury tax).
27
See MARK CONRAD, THE BUSINESS OF SPORTS 121 (2006).
28
For commentary on the luxury tax, see LEVIN ET AL., supra note 17, at 39; Eric Fisher, Yankees,
Braves Set MLB’s Tone, W
ASH. TIMES, Oct. 24, 1999, at A5; Bill Madden, Padres Rebuilding Once
Again, D
AILY NEWS (N.Y.), Jan. 17, 1999, at 105.
29
See Bruce Jenkins, A’s, Giants Will Finish Atop Divisions, S. F. CHRON., Apr. 22, 1995, at B1
(noting that “[s]till the most heroic name in baseball until further notice: Sonia Sotomayor”); Claude
Lewis, Strike Isn’t Enough to Sour Fans’ Affair with Baseball, D
ALLAS MORNING NEWS, Apr. 6, 1995,
at 25A.